Interviews

According to Moreras, the discussion does not need to centre on the definition of present-day Islam as a universal religion, but on what Muslims can do in a particular context, such as the European one, in relation to other identities, and in their capacity to elaborate arguments as a group. In this regard, the anthropologist points out that the European political debate is directed in a different direction, which sees the Muslims as a community that is still closely tied to its place of origin.

Even though this phenomenon is fairly new here, in comparison with other European Union countries, Spain has not been able to import any of the European formulas. The July 6 attacks in London, the unrest in the Paris suburbs or the assassination of the Dutch film director Theo van Gogh by an Islamic extremist highlight the ineffectiveness of the integration models of other European societies with a greater tradition as recipients and which Spain cannot look to mirror.

Some European countries set newcomers exams in the host country’s culture as a measure to encourage integration. What is your opinion on this?

I feel that asking people to be knowledgeable about the receiving society should be limited to requiring them to have an adequate level of the language; essentially, to be willing to learn the language, in order to improve their interaction and subsequent integration. To ask questions about the events of 1714 or who was Guifré el Pilós, would be like asking our own people, especially teenagers, which would show us that there are not many people that are familiar with this type of information.

In a recently published interview, a well-known Catalan politician accused the Spanish government of challenging the Catholic Church and being condescending towards Islam. Do you think that some European politicians actually positively discriminate in favour of Islam?

I think that these declarations have to be read in an electoral or pre-electoral context and as being motivated to stir up suspicion in public opinion. The Spanish government’s relation with the Catholic Church has been somewhat controversial at times, putting forward arguments that go against the Catholic faith, but this does not get away from the fact that it is time that we recognised that there are other religions in the country. The much needed recognition of this pluralism has not resulted in some people being allowed to do things which are not permitted to others. The model of the relation between state and the Catholic religion has been maintained and will continue. These provocative statements should be avoided as they only generate apprehension.

Poland was the only country which, unsuccessfully, tried to introduce a reference to Europe’s Christian roots in the constitution. Does religion have to enter into the debate on the structure of Europe?

It is a delicate subject. The cultural references that come from these religious traditions should be referred to, but not the particular ethics from a given religion, as this would represent a way of legitimising the pre-eminence of certain beliefs over others. This would be a mistake. I think that it has been introduced from an erroneous perspective of historical heritage in order to avoid other traditions, which are not Catholic, being present. It is an error of perspective to have to include doctrinal references. It makes much more sense to speak about cultures and religious contributions as culture. In this way, Islam would also be present, along with other traditions of oriental origin. It is wrong to believe that Europe is a Christian club, as in reality it is much more heterogeneous.

The reaction of the Muslim community to the publication of caricatures of the prophet Muhammad in a Danish newspaper do not contribute to creating an image of Islam as an open religion. Do you think that it will be possible to be satirical towards Islam in the near future?

We need to be satirical towards religious believers, as well as the nonreligious, political parties, football teams, etc. We have to laugh at people and their convictions because it forms a part of the interaction between people. The question of symbols is different however. In the case of the caricatures, I think that radical groups used them for their own ends. There was a misunderstanding concerning freedom of expression and the stressing of a reactive identity. They could not justify people being so offended as to want to assassinate someone who had expressed an opinion contrary to theirs. It needs to be examined at a world level and, in this case particularly, at a European level. There is a right to freedom of expression which has to be fundamental, although there also has to be a level of responsibility. I saw the caricatures and I think that some of them could have a certain satirical reading, although there were others that were much more hurtful. In any case, we need to acquire a coherent way of exercising freedom of expression. This debate comes more from the heart than the head on both sides, with a readiness to take offence and a lack of responsibility when exercising the right to freedom. I think that we have lost an opportunity here to make progress.

The young Catalan of Moroccan origin Najat El Hachmi won this year’s Ramon Llull Award. Do you consider this as a success for the integration policies?

If we were to ask Najat she would say no. I have known Najat personally for many years, she is a good friend and I greatly admire her for what she is: a Catalan writer, and not because she came as an immigrant and integrated successfully. Furthermore, she has never promoted integration. She is a good Catalan writer and that’s what counts.